Edward Gibbon (1737–1794) The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire was written by the, which traces (as well as the and conquests) from the of the to the of. It was published in six volumes. Volume I was published in 1776 and went through six printings. Volumes II and III were published in 1781; volumes IV, V, and VI in 1788–1789.
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The original volumes were published in sections, a common publishing practice of the time. The work covers the history, from 98 to 1590, of the, the history of and then of the, and the history of Europe, and discusses the in the and. Because of its heavy use of primary sources, unusual at the time, its methodology became. This led to Gibbon being called the first 'modern historian of ancient Rome'.
His work remains a great literary achievement and a very readable introduction to the period, but immense progress has been made by later historians and archaeologists, and his interpretations no longer represent current academic knowledge or thought. For example in The World of Late Antiquity (1971) by, he offered a radically new interpretation of the entire period between the second and eighth centuries AD which contradicted Gibbon in many ways, and in (2005) by which is exceptional for its use of hitherto unincorporated evidence from both documentary and archaeological sources, underlines it. Contents. Thesis Gibbon offers an explanation for the, a task made difficult by a lack of comprehensive written sources, though he was not the only historian to attempt it. According to Gibbon, the Roman Empire succumbed to invasions in large part due to the gradual loss of among its citizens.
They had become weak, their duty to defend their empire to barbarian, who then became so numerous and ingrained that they were able to take over the Empire. Romans, he believed, were unwilling to live a tougher, military lifestyle. In addition, Gibbon argued that created a belief that a better life existed after death, which fostered an indifference to the present among Roman citizens, thus sapping their desire to sacrifice for a larger purpose.
He also believed that Christianity's comparative tended to hamper the traditional Roman martial spirit. Also, seldom openly stated, but constantly shown in practice, Christianity destroyed the unity of the Empire. Christians were not unified; they were split into dozens of groups, constantly battling over exceedingly minute differences in dogma, where the pronunciation of a vowel would determine eternal bliss or hell, and killing each other in the literal hundreds of thousands. One reason Islam conquered Egypt so easily was that the Egyptians preferred a totally alien faith to the different branch of Christianity espoused in Constantinople.
Finally, like other thinkers and citizens of the age steeped in institutional, Gibbon held in contempt the as a priest-ridden, superstitious. It was not until his own era, the 'Age of Reason,' with its emphasis on rational thought, it was believed, that human history could resume its progress. Gibbon saw the as the primary catalyst of the empire's initial decay and eventual collapse, a seed planted by when the empire was established. His writings cite repeated examples of the Praetorian Guard abusing their power with calamitous results, including numerous instances of imperial assassination and incessant demands for increased pay. He compared the reigns of (284–305) and (1519–1556), noting superficial similarities. Both were plagued by continual war and compelled to excessive taxation to fund wars, both chose to abdicate as Emperors at roughly the same age, and both chose to lead a quiet life upon their retirement.
However, Gibbon argues that these similarities are only superficial and that the underlying context and character of the two rulers is markedly different. Style Gibbon's style is frequently distinguished by an ironically detached and somewhat dispassionate yet critical tone. He occasionally lapses into moralisation and: As long as mankind shall continue to bestow more liberal applause on their destroyers than on their benefactors, the thirst of military glory will ever be the vice of the most exalted characters. — Gibbon, Edward (1890). 3 (Chandos ed.).
London: Frederick Warne & Co. Retrieved 2017-09-12.
Citations and footnotes Gibbon provides the reader with a glimpse of his thought process with extensive notes along the body of the text, a precursor to the modern use of footnotes. Gibbon's footnotes are famous for their idiosyncratic and often humorous style, and have been called 'Gibbon's table talk.'
They provide an entertaining moral commentary on both and 18th-century. This technique enabled Gibbon to compare ancient Rome to his own contemporary world. Gibbon's work advocates a and view of history.
Gibbon's citations provide in-depth detail regarding his use of sources for his work, which included documents dating back to ancient Rome. The detail within his asides and his care in noting the importance of each document is a precursor to modern-day historical footnoting methodology. The work is notable for its erratic but exhaustively documented notes and research., following him 113 years later with his own History of the Later Roman Empire, commended the depth and accuracy of Gibbon's work. Unusually for 18th century historians, Gibbon was not content with second-hand accounts when the primary sources were accessible. 'I have always endeavoured', Gibbon wrote, 'to draw from the fountain-head; that my curiosity, as well as a sense of duty, has always urged me to study the originals; and that, if they have sometimes eluded my search, I have carefully marked the secondary evidence, on whose faith a passage or a fact were reduced to depend.'
The Decline and Fall is a literary monument and a massive step forward in. Criticism Numerous tracts were published criticising his work. In response, Gibbon defended his work with the 1779 publication of, A Vindication.
Of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire. His remarks on Christianity aroused particularly vigorous attacks, but in the mid-twentieth century, at least one author claimed that 'church historians allow the substantial justness of Gibbon's main positions.' Number of Christian martyrs Gibbon challenged Church history by estimating far smaller numbers of than had been traditionally accepted.
The Church's version of its early history had rarely been questioned before. Gibbon, however, knew that modern Church writings were, and he shunned them in favor of. Criticism of Quran and Muhammad Gibbon's comments on the Quran and Muhammad reflected his view of the secular, rather than divine, origin of the text. He outlined in chapter 33 the widespread tale (possibly Jewish in origin) of the, and remarked 'This popular tale, which Mahomet might learn when he drove his camels to the fairs of Syria, is introduced, as a divine revelation, into the Quran.' His presentation of Muhammad's life again reflected his secular approach: 'in his private conduct, Mahomet indulged the appetites of a man, and abused the claims of a prophet. A special revelation dispensed him from the laws which he had imposed on his nation: the female sex, without reserve, was abandoned to his desires; and this singular prerogative excited the envy, rather than the scandal, the veneration, rather than the envy, of the devout Mussulmans.' Christianity as a contributor to the fall and to stability: chapters XV, XVI Volume I was originally published in sections, as was common for large works at the time.
The first two were well received and widely praised. The last quarto in Volume I, especially Chapters XV and XVI, was highly controversial, and Gibbon was attacked as a '.
Was deemed to have influenced Gibbon's claim that Christianity was a contributor to the fall of the Roman Empire.
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